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THROUGHOUT history, teachers have often become targets of attacks or purges, particularly in the aftermath of revolutions or movements, accused of being associated with oppressive regimes or ideologies. After the French Revolution, teachers linked to the church or monarchy were attacked as symbols of the old regime. Similarly, following the collapse of the Soviet Union, those who promoted communist ideologies were marginalised.

One of the world’s greatest philosophers, Martin Heidegger, served as rector at a university during Hitler’s regime, and, although he did not explicitly support Hitler’s fascism, he did not oppose it either. However, many of his students and followers remain celebrated anti-fascist thinkers. Despite acknowledging Heidegger’s contributions to their intellectual development, after Hitler’s fall, this renowned German philosopher faced trial. Protests arose against him, though no crimes were proven, and he was offered his position back — but he declined to return.

We can also recall the pressure exerted on teachers during the Arab Spring in Egypt and Tunisia, as well as the marginalisation of educators associated with apartheid in post-apartheid South Africa. During China’s Cultural Revolution, teachers faced extreme violence; students accused them of being counter-revolutionary and subjected them to humiliation, torture, and even death. There are countless such examples.

Despite the different contexts, the common thread in these events is the attack on teachers due to their perceived association with those in power, or their identification as beneficiaries of the old regime. Sometimes they were seen as adversaries to revolutionary causes. History is never one-dimensional; it is open to interpretation. Hence, rather than oversimplifying the post-revolutionary attacks on teachers as right or wrong, we must consider the complexity of the issue.

One key lesson from history is that in any nation undergoing radical transformation, it is not unusual for teachers to face repercussions. Teachers are an integral part of society, not residents of some isolated island, and as such, they are often implicated in political shifts and upheavals. This was evident in the popular uprisings in Bangladesh, where the same dynamic unfolded.

In Bangladesh, numerous anti-government movements have taken place, often leading to regime change. However, the events of August 5 are rare not just in Bangladesh but globally. Amid a popular uprising, Sheikh Hasina fled the country after 16 years of holding power. Rather than pursuing a political compromise, she fled with her sister, leaving the country in uncertainty. This uncertainty sparked conflict — attacks on police, vandalism of homes belonging to Awami League supporters, and widespread violence. In this chaos, teachers at various institutions were humiliated, insulted, and forced to resign.

Like every other sector in the past 16 years, the education sector has seen extreme politicisation in Bangladesh. University teachers, in particular, have been accused of monopolising appointments, supporting the injustices of the Chhatra League, siding with political interests over students, neglecting classes, focusing on personal gain over building research-based institutions, and failing to treat students with respect.

Recently, many teachers have taken positions against students in the anti-discrimination movement, standing with the government even as hundreds of students lost their lives. This has infuriated the students, and now, after the fall of the government, they are rising against the teachers who were beneficiaries of the old regime. Teachers at various institutions are being forced to resign, and movements are gaining momentum across university departments. The question is: was this the desired outcome?

It is difficult to give a definitive answer. The behaviour of many teachers over the past years has been inappropriate and unbefitting of their roles. Even autonomous institutions did not live up to their expected standards under the 1973 act, which could have ensured their independence. Instead, the entire university system aligned itself with fascism, with many teachers supporting this narrative. When student leaders of the ruling party terrorised ordinary students in residential halls, dragging them to political events and brutally punishing them for disobedience, most teachers remained silent. Some teachers were even complicit in these actions. Non-students occupied dormitory seats while actual students crammed into rooms with 30–40 others, and the university administration remained passive. Teachers have been accused of corruption, partisan recruitment, and embezzlement, fuelling students’ anger.

Teachers, guided by clear conscience and independent thought, should have opposed the power-hungry, anti-people narratives. They failed in this, though there were exceptions — teachers who were oppressed and neglected for speaking out.

Now, with calls for reform across all sectors, education must also undergo reform. Teachers must rise above ideologies and embrace their noble profession. If seen from this perspective, the ongoing protests against teachers may yield positive results. The system has accumulated rust over the years, and perhaps such a strong jolt was necessary to shake it loose.

However, should teachers be treated this way? Videos on social media showing students mistreating their teachers are distressing. At Dhaka University, the chants against teachers in certain departments are painful to witness. Some identities command a certain level of respect and emotion. We have always respected teachers; they are deserving of our admiration. We have often protested in front of the vice chancellor’s residence, demanding resignation with chants of ‘One, two, three, four, VC, leave your chair!’ But somehow, it did not hurt as much then. Perhaps we did not yet bear the responsibility of national reform on our shoulders, or perhaps in this new Bangladesh, we want everything to be different, and thus our perspective has shifted. The credit for this positive change goes to the students leading the movement. Let this call for reform break down our decaying systems, but let us ensure it does not lead to unnecessary suffering. Punishing those responsible for corruption is an essential step in this reform.

On the other hand, the new situation offers great potential for the teaching community to redefine themselves as the ideal nation-builders. There is no alternative to creating research-based universities that promote critical thinking, independent of political ideology. Teachers must seize this opportunity. Our education system is nearing collapse, and now is the time to save it, for the country’s survival depends on it.

In times of revolution or upheaval, it is the youth who bear the greatest responsibility. Victory may come through collective effort, but it is the youth who lead the charge. In Bangladesh, the student movement of the 1990s succeeded, yet the student position gradually weakened over time. Thus, like in other parts of the world, while Bangladesh faces instability following the uprising, it is crucial that the student populace remains focused on controlling the situation. We have every reason to expect that the generation that stood against bullets and ousted a prime minister by labelling her a ‘tyrant’ will also show restraint towards teachers, except the guilty ones. The language of protest can be fierce, but it should not unsettle us. Even when forcing authoritarian teachers to resign, it should not be done disrespectfully.

Roman Uddin is a research associate at the Centre for Governance Studies.

This article was originally published on New Age.
Views in this article are author’s own and do not necessarily reflect CGS policy.