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The July Uprising was the most significant event in Bangladesh's history. It was an unexpected and accidental revelation. After the sham election conducted by Sheikh Hasina, our hearts were broken, and we were in shock.

The United States, the United Nations, and the European Union had committed to supporting Bangladesh in its pursuit of democracy. However, after the election, we did not see any substantial action, except for a few letters addressed to Dictator Hasina.

Meanwhile, a group of students was organizing to overthrow Hasina's regime and dismantle the one-party system. Bangladeshi writers, professors, political analysts, and journalists did not initially realize that something significant was unfolding.

These students had never voted in their lives. They did not have the right to choose their prime minister or members of parliament. They had also witnessed incidents that deeply affected them, such as the murder of Abrar Fahad by the banned student organization, Bangladesh Chhatra League.

Witnessing this situation, the people of Bangladesh, especially Generation Z, prepared themselves to do whatever was necessary to reclaim their rights.

Beginning of the July Uprising

On July 7, Dhaka was paralyzed by traffic jams. The previous day, students had announced that they would demonstrate their strength, calling their movement "Bangla Blockade." It was the first time I had heard such a term in Bangladeshi politics. It was something new and different.

Fortunately, I was at the University of Dhaka at that moment, covering the teachers' and workers' movements. Professors from across the country had gathered at Kalabhaban, the Art Building of Dhaka University, with several demands. Teachers and students had two different demands. The teachers wanted benefits similar to those of secretaries, while the students demanded quota reform. The students created unique placards with different slogans. Male and female students, Muslims and Hindus, ethnic minorities, and other marginalized groups were all involved in the gathering. All of them were actively uploading content related to the quota reform movement.

Dictator Hasina ignored the movement and the emotions behind it. However, the movement continued to escalate. Students from across the country became involved. They started demonstrating, and within two days, it had become a national issue.

On July 9, a student stood with his chest out, determined to reclaim his rights in front of the police. The courageous young man was not afraid to stand in the face of bullets. His name was Abu Saeed, and he became a source of inspiration for the people of Bangladesh. A policeman shot him, and he was killed on the spot. The killing was captured on camera. The footage was uploaded to social media, and within a few hours, it had gained billions of views.

This footage shocked the entire Bangladeshi population. How could a dictator murder an innocent student in cold blood? Unfortunately, mainstream media refused to broadcast the footage. Every head of news at television channels received a call from the Prime Minister's Office. According to sources, Biplob Barua, a special assistant to Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, contacted these heads of news. As ordered, they remained silent and ignored the mass killings carried out by the police, Border Guard Bangladesh, and Rapid Action Battalion.

The people of Bangladesh, especially students, decided to reclaim their rights. Sheikh Hasina's police had killed one Abu Saeed, but in response, hundreds of thousands of people were prepared to go to jail, be killed, face enforced disappearances, and endure all forms of physical and mental torture. They started protesting across the country, in every city, and at every university. Even madrasa students participated in the demonstrations.

Day by day, the demonstrations spiralled out of control. Sheikh Hasina gave clearance to the police, the Rapid Action Battalion, the Border Guard Bangladesh, and the student wing of the Awami League, the Bangladesh Chhatra League, to suppress the protests at any cost. Sheikh Hasina needed to maintain power. She did not care whether people lived or died. However, the people continued their protests against Dictator Hasina.

Eventually, she gave clearance to the Bangladesh Army and issued a shoot-on-sight order. For the first time in more than three decades, a curfew was imposed in Bangladesh.

Role of the Media

Sheikh Hasina appointed a few loyal news editors to every television channel. She gave them full control over media content. These individuals became known as the prime minister's newsmen. Their maximum salary was 2000 USD, yet they lived luxurious lives in Dhaka. Sheikh Hasina had effectively hired them on a monthly basis.

Their responsibility was to sit in the newsroom and monitor issues related to Sheikh Hasina's interests. Any news or footage that could embarrass the government was not to be aired. Instead, they were encouraged to spread falsehoods while highlighting only the wrongdoings of the opposition. Those who performed well in this role were specially rewarded. If one carefully observes Sheikh Hasina's press conferences, the manipulation becomes evident. In the name of press conferences, she staged blatant lies on a weekly basis.

As journalists, we faced numerous obstacles during the July Uprising. As part of our duty, we had to cover the student protests. However, our reports were altered by news editors. When we wrote that thirty people had been killed on a Saturday, the news editor changed the number to three. They altered figures related to the number of people killed, injured, and missing.

During the July genocide, some incidents of vandalism occurred. In some places, angry mobs set fire to government buildings. Our news editors deliberately magnified these incidents. They were more interested in promoting images of destruction than reporting the actual movement.

However, it is important to acknowledge that a few journalists and news editors did prepare impartial bulletins. Those journalists and editors who attempted to report the truth were quickly reported to the Prime Minister's Office by Hasina's loyal newsmen.

As field reporters, we found ourselves in a crisis. We could not publish information due to censorship by news editors. At the same time, agitating students became furious with us and attacked many journalists. Eventually, we lost interest in going to the field to gather news.

The situation was unbelievable. The media is supposed to be the voice of the people. People expect authentic news. The public should be able to trust the media. However, we lost our ethics. During this period, carrying a microphone, a news unit, a labelled vehicle, or even an ID card was dangerous. If anyone identified you as a journalist, you were sure to be attacked. For the first time in Bangladesh’s history, journalists had to hide their identities and work like criminals.

Many of my colleagues were injured. I must mention a few names. Alamin Khan, Billal Hossain, Dipta Chandra Paul, Zahid Rahman, Sumon Dey, Alauddin Ali, Rofikul Islam, ZummatulBida, Ismail Sardar, and many more.

Second Phase of the Uprising

The curfew temporarily halted the movement. From July 25, things seemed to be returning to normal. The Bangladesh Telecommunication Regulatory Commission (BTRC) lifted its ban on Facebook and other social media. However, on July 29, Sheikh Hasina received an intelligence report indicating that student coordinators were regrouping with a new demand: her resignation. In response, she orchestrated another massacre. The Detective Branch (DB) of police arrested six student leaders, subjecting them to brutal torture. Forced confessions were extracted, and a staged press conference was held at midnight. Despite the blatant deception, news editors did not challenge it. The death of Abu Saeed, the lives lost, the child shot by helicopter gunfire—none of it softened the hearts of Bangladesh’s newsroom elites. Their loyalty remained with Hasina, not the truth.

On August 3, most of the heads of news from television channels gathered at a five-star hotel, Pan Pacific Sonargaon. Special assistant to Sheikh Hasina, Biplob Barua, chaired the meeting. The objective of this meeting was to develop a strategy for escalating disinformation against student coordinators and opposition leaders. On the other hand, the upcoming genocide had to be concealed. This was an order given directly by Sheikh Hasina.

Finally, Dictator Hasina executed her plan. Hundreds of people were killed in the second phase of the uprising. Even after she fled the country, the killings carried out by the police, the Rapid Action Battalion, and the Border Guard Bangladesh continued.

Our news editors were shocked. They could not believe that Sheikh Hasina had left the country with her sister without informing them.

In my opinion, stakeholders in our media sector should be held accountable. They have collapsed our institutions and tarnished our reputation. We have lost the respect of the people. Nowadays, people do not trust us as they once did.

Only three journalists who were involved in spreading disinformation are in jail. However, most of them remain free and continue their jobs. Even now, they hold the same positions.

Abu Sufian, Journalist. 

Views in this article are author’s own and do not necessarily reflect CGS policy.